Petrus Project
  • The Petrus Project
  • The Plan
  • The Team
  • The Authors
    • Peter the Venerable
    • Peter of Poitiers
    • Radulf of Sully
    • Richard of Poitiers
    • Bernard of Cluny
    • Radulf Tortarius
  • The Texts
  • Resources
  • How to cite this resource
  • Miracle Stories
    • Two Books on Miracles
      • Book I, Prologue
      • 1.1 A miraculous arrival in the county of Auvergne
      • 1.2 About the priest who unworthily celebrated the divine mysteries
      • 1.3 About he who could not swallow the body of Christ before he confessed himself
      • 1.4 About the death of a certain brother and his confession at the end of his life
      • 1.5 . About another brother false in his confession
      • 1.6 About one who was freed from the devil by a true confession
      • 1.7 How demons were put to flight by holy water
      • 1.8 About Gerard, a monk of pure and simple life
      • 1.9 About notable things which happened in and around Cluny
      • 1.10 About the miraculous apparition of Stephen, called, “the White”
      • 1.11 About a similar apparition of Bernard Grossus
      • 1.12 With so much envy the devil has always raged against Cluny
      • 1.13 About the brother whom [the devil] wished to deceive in the guise of an abbot.
      • 1.14 About the brother who heard demons boasting about their shameful acts.
      • 1.15 The story the Blessed Hugh narrated in chapter at Christmas Vigil.
      • 1.16 About the brother who saw demons processing as if monks
      • 1.17 About the old monk Alger
      • 1.18 About Armannus the novice, whom the devil terrified in the guise of a bear
      • 1.19 About the angel of the Lord who showed the place where the brothers uncovered Christ's cross
      • 1.20 About the dawdling brother Benedict, who saw a crowd of men dressed in white.
      • 1.21 About Turquillus, prior of the sisters of Marcigny
      • 1.22 The miracle which happened at this same monastery of Marcigny.
      • 1.23 About the dead knight who appeared three times to a certain priest
      • 1.24 About Guido, the bishop of Geneva [Guy of Faucigny]
      • 1.25 About a certain priest who died a terrible death.
      • 1.26 About Geoffrey III, the lord of Semur-en-Brionnais.
      • 1.27 About the dead knight who appeared to Humbert of Beaujeu
      • 1.28 Another chapter about an apparition in Spain.
      • Book II. Prologue
      • 2.1 About the oppressor of the church who was seen taken by the devil
      • 2.2 How someone buried alive, was fed by angel due to the masses and prayers of the Church
      • 2.3 An apology why in his narration, the writer of these deeds cannot retain their time and order
      • 2.4 About the good birth and adolescence of the Lord Matthew, Bishop of Albano.
      • 2.5 How he cleaved to the Venerable Ralph of Rheims, afterwards the Archbishop.
      • 2.6 So greatly desiring the monastic life, he abandoned ecclesiastical honours.
      • 2.7 Choosing Cluny due to the great reputation of its customs, he took the habit of a novice at SMdC
      • 2.8 How he conducted himself before God during his priory
      • 2.9 How he acted with his subordinates
      • 2.10 How he proved to be, both to those near and far
      • 2.11 How he maintained order most strictly when he was summoned by abbot Peter to Cluny
      • 2.12 Concerning the Cluniac schism fuelled by Pontius who had been abbot.
      • 2.13 On the end of the Cluniac scandal and the wisdom of the Lord Matthew.
      • 2.14 How he took up the bishopric of Albano and how he maintained holiness within himself
      • 2.15 How he prohibited that moneys be exchanged by Jews, when he was still a prior
      • 2.16 About the Schism of the Roman Church and how he virtuously defended the Catholic Side.
      • 2.17 About his glorious death accompanied by miraculous signs.
      • 2.18 About the vision which the prior of Saint Zenon saw about him
      • 2.19 About the vision of another brother
      • 2.20 How he put demons to flight with the sign of the cross and about his untiring devotion
      • 2.21 About the revelations shown to him before death and about the glory which he said awaiting him
      • 2.22 How he passed from this world at the light of dawn on the holy and glorious day of Our Lord
      • 2.23 The services celebrated for him and the honourable gathering in the Basilica of Saint Fridian
      • 2.24 About a certain evil monk who died most wickedly
      • 2.25 About the vision which I myself saw when staying in Rome
      • 2.26 About the vision of Brother Enguizo
      • 2.27 About the Statutes of the Carthusian monks
      • 2.28 About a certain Carthusian brother
      • 2.29 Another chapter on the same topic [the Carthusians]
      • 2.30 About the miracle of the Roman Candles in the Church of the Mother of God
      • 2.31 About the miraculous vision of a certain boy keeping vigil
      • 2.32 About a certain boy at Silvigny brought back to life by Saint Maiolus
      • 2.33 About the false confession of a certain brother
    • Life of Raingarde
    • Life of Peter the Venerable
  • Letters
    • The Letter Collection
      • Prefatory Epistle
      • Prefatory Epistle (more complete?)
      • 1. To Pope Innocent (1137)
      • 2. To Matthew of Albano (1134/35)
      • 3. to the Lord Chancellor Haimeric (1123/41, likely 1137)
      • 4. to Hugh, Archbishop of Rouen (1130/8)
      • 5. To Hato, Bishop of Troyes (1122/46)
      • 6. To the same (Hato) (1122/46)
      • 7. To the same (Hato) (1134)
      • 8. To Stephen, a priest skilled in the law (1125/6)
      • 9. To Peter, the schoolmaster
      • 10. To the same (Peter)
      • 11. To Pope Innocent II (1136/37)
      • 12. To William, Bishop of Embrum (1122/41)
      • 13. To Odo, the abbot of Saint-Lucien de Beauvais
      • 14. To Theodard, Prior of La Charité
      • 15. to Adela, Countess of Blois
      • 17. to Pope Innocent (1133/34)
      • 18. to Hato (1122/46)
      • 19. to Dulcianus of Montpellier, learned in the Law
      • 20. to the servant of God, Giselbert the hermit of Silvigny(?)
      • 21. to Pope Innocent (1138)
      • 22. to Hato, bishop of Troyes (1128/46)
      • 23. to Pope Innocent (1132/36)
      • 24.
      • 25.
      • 26. To his son beloved in Christ, Peter of Poitiers
      • 27.
      • 28. To Bernard, Abbot of Clairvaux (c. 1127)
      • 29. to Bernard Abbot of Clairvaux (1138)
      • 32. to Pope Innocent (1135/43)
      • 33. to Pope Innocent (1132/40)
      • 34. To the Lord Chancellor Haimeric (1132/40)
      • 35. to the abbots of the Cistercian Order (1132/40)
      • 36. to the same (1133/40)
      • 37. To a certain heretic
      • 38. to Peter, the Archbishop of Lyons (1131/ 9)
      • 39. To Pope Innocent (1133)
      • 40. to Gilo the Schismatic (1130/4)
      • 42. a response of Lord Peter to Prior Theodard (1132/36)
      • 43. Again, to Prior Theodard of La Charité-sur-Loire (1130/9)
      • 44. to King Sigard I of Norway (1122/30)
      • 45. to the Brothers of St. Andrew of Northampton, about their Copyist Thomas
      • 47. to Matthew of Albano (1131/5, likely 1134)
      • 48. to the Carthusians, in consolation of their dead brothers (1122/37)
      • 49. To Henry, the Bishop of Winchester (1131)
      • 50. To Stephen, a Cleric of Lyons (1132/36)
      • 51. To the Knight Hugh Catula
      • 53. Again to his Brothers, in Epitaph of his mother (1135)
      • 55. to Henry, the Bishop of Winchester (1131/56)
      • 56. To the same (1135)
      • 58. To this son, beloved in Christ, Peter of Poitiers
      • 59. to Henry, bishop of Winchester (1134/35)
      • 60. to the same (1136)
      • 65. to Bernard, abbot of Clairvaux (1137)
      • 66 To Gilo the Schismatic (1138)
      • 67. to William, the Bishop of Orange (1130/41)
      • 68. To Count Amedaeus.
      • 69. to Hato, the Bishop of Troyes (1138)
      • 71. The Response of Bishop Hato to him (1138)
      • 74. The Response of Abbot Bernard to Peter, the Abbot of Cluny (1138)
      • 75. to John Comnenus, Emperor of Constantinople (likely 1138/9)
      • 76. to the Patriarch of Constantinople
      • 78. A Letter from Godfrey, the Bishop of Châlons-sur-Marne to Peter, the Abbot of Cluny (1131/43)
      • 79. A response of Peter to him (1131/43)
      • 80. to the brothers at Mont Thabor
      • 81. To Hato, the Bishop of Troyes (1122/46)
      • 82. to the King of Jerusalem
      • 83. to the Patriarch of Jerusalem
      • 85. A Letter from Hato, Bishop of Troyes to the above Peter (1141)
      • 86. the Response of Abbot Peter to the Bishop Hato (1141)
      • 88. to Henry, Bishop of Winchester (1129/56)
      • 89. to Albero, Bishop of Liège (1136/45)
      • 90. to King Roger of Siciliy (1139/41)
      • 91. To Pontius, Abbot of Vézelay (1138/56)
      • 94. to the monk Gregory
      • 95. To Hato, Bishop of Troyes (1141)
      • 96. the Response of Bishop Hato to him (1141)
      • 97. to Pope Innocent
      • 98. to the same (1140)
      • 99. Again to Pope Innocent
      • 100. to the Clerics of Lyons (1141)
      • 101. to Pope Innocent (1141)
      • 102. to Milo I, bishop of Thérouanne (1140)
      • 105. to Aimard, the Archbishop of Narbonne (1143)
      • 106. to Geoffrey, the Archbishop of Bordeaux (1143)
      • 108. to Guarinus, the Bishop of Amiens (1127/44)
      • 109. to Suger, the Abbot of Saint-Dénis (1130/51)
      • 110 from Abbot Bernard of Clairvaux to the Lord Abbot (1143/44)
      • 111 The Reply of the Lord Abbot to Bernard of Clairvaux (1144)
      • 112. to Pope Celestine (1143)
      • 115. to Abbess Eloise (1143/44)
      • 116. to the lord Pope Lucius
      • 118. to Pope Lucius (1144)
      • 120. To Rainard, Cisterican abbot. (1134/50)
      • 121. to Hato, the Bishop of Troyes (1145)
      • 123. A letter of Peter of Poitiers to Peter his abbot, then dwelling in the forest of Cluny
      • 124. The return letter of the Lord Peter the Abbot to the same
      • 125. The Return letters from some companions to Peter of Poitiers from the woods of Cluny.
      • 126. The Letter of Robert, a learned man and Master of Physic
      • 127. The Letter of Gislebert, a noble and literate youth
      • 128. The return letter of Peter of Poitiers to the Lord Abbot and his colleagues
      • 129. The letter of Peter, the lord Abbot, to this Peter.
      • 131. to king Roger of Sicily (1146)
      • 132. to the Carthusians (1137/43)
      • 134. To Theobald, Bishop of Paris (1146)
      • 135. To the Prior Odo and the Brothers of Saint-Martin-in-the-Fields (1147/50)
      • 136. To Geoffrey, the Cistercian abbot of Les Roches (1137/56)
      • 137. To Geoffrey, the Bishop of Chartres (1135/48)
      • 138. to Peter, Abbot of St. Augustine at Limoges (1137/56)
      • 139. To Stephan, formerly Archbishop of Vienne (1148)
      • 147. to Ademar II, abbot of Figeac
      • 148. From Bernard, Abbot of Clairvaux
      • 149 Reply of the Lord Abbot Peter (1149)
      • 150. Again to Bernard of Clairvaux (October 1149)
      • 151 to Nicholas of Clairvaux
      • 153 From Bernard of Clairvaux
      • Letter 158a (?)
      • 159. To the brothers at [St. Martial of] Limoges (1142?)
      • 161 (1148/52) To the Priors and Subpriors of Cluniac places.
      • 162. to the King of Sicily
      • 166. a Response of the Lord Abbot to him [Suger of Saint-Dénis] (1150)
      • 167. From Heloise to PV
      • 168. To Heloise.
      • 172. To Everard, Master of the Templars (1148/53)
      • 174. to Pope Eugenius (1145/33)
      • 181. to the abbot of Clairvaux (1151)
      • 183. to Philip the Prior of Clairvaux (March, 1151)
      • 184. to Galcher, the cellarer of Clairvaux (March, 1151)
      • 185. To his nieces
      • 186. To Basil, the Prior of the Carthusians (1151)
      • 192. to Lord Bernard, Abbot of Clairvaux (1152)
      • 193. To his Nicholas (1152)
    • Additional Letters
  • Legal Texts
    • Statutes
      • Bibliography
      • Summary
      • The Statutes of Peter the Venerable, Abbot of Cluny
      • Later Statutes
    • Managing Cluniac Accounts
    • Papal Bulls
      • Calixtus II's Papal Assent to the election of Peter the Venerable
      • Innocent II's approval of Peter the Venerable's ability to set statutes
      • Various partially translated charters
    • Charters
      • Latin charters (1122-56) from Bibliotheca Cluniacensis
  • Poems & Liturgy
    • In defence of Peter of Poitiers
    • A liturgical prose, in honour of the Mother of the Lord
    • Another liturgical prose in honour of the Mother of Our Lord
    • Hymn, in honour of Holy Mary Magdalene
    • Hymn about the Holy Father Benedict
    • Another Hymn about the translation and coming of this Father Benedict
    • A rhythmic verse on Saint Hugh, abbot of Cluny
    • A verse in honour of Count Eustache
    • A verse in epitaph of Prior Bernard
    • Verse in epitaph of Peter Abelard
    • Verse in epitaph of Rainald, Archbishop of Laon
    • A rhythmic verse, on the resurrection of our Lord
    • Rhythmic verse in praise of the Saviour.
  • Polemic
    • Bibliography
  • Peter of Poitiers
    • Letter to abbot Peter (Sicut precipere)
    • Panegyric in praise of Peter the Venerable
    • Letter to his critics
    • Against the Barbarian
    • Epitaph of Pope Gelasius II
    • Epitaph of Bishop Adefonso
    • Preface to Peter the Venerable's work against the Saracens
  • Richard of Poitiers
    • Chronica
    • Chronica - Dedicatory Epistle
    • BNF, n.a.l. 670 - Transcription (in progress)
  • Resources
    • A(n) Historiographical Note on Researching Twelfth-Century Cluny
    • Manuscript and Early Printed Sources
      • Paris, BNF, ms. latin 17716
      • Pierre de Montmartre, D. Petri venerabilis, ... Opera
      • Patrologia Latina
    • Digital Resources
    • Biographies
      • Giles Constable
      • Denise Bouthillier
Powered by GitBook
On this page

Was this helpful?

  1. Letters
  2. The Letter Collection

150. Again to Bernard of Clairvaux (October 1149)

Summary: Addressed more personally to Bernard (private not public letter) about that Cistercians and Cluniacs should welcome each other in their monasteries on equal footing. The letter is briefer and narrower and scope than previous letters. There is almost no attempt to create and sustain the illusion of dialogue or debate; rather the letter projects an urgent exhortation, especially given the open phrase invoking the shortness of time. By linking the idea of salvation to acceptance of conditions, Peter seems to be sermonizing and threatening damnation for those failing the test of charity. The invocation of the ‘spritual eye” and outward appearance evokes the opposition of flesh/ spirit and the need for this to be overcome, so that the ‘spiritual man’ can transcend earthly (fleshly) differences. At the end of the letter, Peter seems to request that Peter bring up this question at a gathering of the brethren (CG 1149?). This letter seems to follow the conciliatory approach of letter 111, but in fact is uncomprimising and hard-hitting. [Knight, 179- 200, passim]

Also to Bernard of Clairvaux.

Brother Peter, the humble abbot of the Cluniacs wishes the health which God promises to those loving Him to our beloved lord Bernard, the abbot of Clairvaux, who should be regarded with the greatest of honour.

“The days of man are brief.” They fly and they do not return. Their footsteps cannot be retraced. Wretched man flows like rushing water, since, along with these very things [days], he hastens forward in a headlong course to an end he does not know. On this account, he ought not to dissimulate, but hasten, dangerous procrastination is not tobe endured, delay is not without penalty for us, since no man knows, as Scripture declares, “what the coming day brings.” This ought to be obeyed, and also that other saying, “Whatsoever your hand is able to do, do it immediately.” Why do I say this? I do not say this, venerable and beloved brother, in order that I might provoke you (whose multiple and holy works are known to me and the world) to acting faster, or to imply the disgrace of some tardiness for someone hastening with great efforts towards celestial and eternal things. For, it is foolish to say, “Run” to those running in the stadium. But it is not foolish to say, “Run like this, so that you take hold.” Up to now, you have run, with God helping your steps, but it ought not be ceased, until you are able to say with a firm mind, ‘I have finished the course, I have kept the faith’. I may seem, as it is said, to teach Minerva. Indeed, I do not teach Minerva, but, so that you may lay out the complete work which you can to those completed things, which dwell in the soul, I suffice to admonish with a complete effort. And lest I draw out the matter too much, and I hold you up too excessively, hear what I suggest. I suffer, or rather, I suffered now for a long time, and I endured together with certain wretches, what I call the sound grace of the good, because, “[we are] made the spectacle to the world, to the angels and to men”, because “foolish for Christ”, because “infirm”, because “ignorant,” because, “up until this hour, they hunger, and they sit, and they are nude and they work with their hands”, and almost wholy follow the great Paul, they do what are more weighty, they do not prefer to do what are easy. We heard that he (who loved Jesus) said this commandment, “And his mandates are not difficult”. You, and whosoever is such, ought to servethe difficult injunctions of Christ, that you love, when you fast, when you keep vigils, when you grow tired, when you labour and do not wish to serve the easy things,. “On account of words of his lips, you must keep the difficult paths.”; by rising strongly through them and on account of the words of their lips, do not wish to remain on the easy path, dieing by them softly and quietly. “You admonish your body and render it into servitude lest perchance you find it wanting” and do you not fear to be made wanting, by prefering your very self to the sweet milk and honey of charity? What does it benefit you to be consumed by torments, and, with charity missing, not to advance to an end of torments? You are able to relieve him from such a danger for brothers, You, beloved, will be able to succour this great danger of the brothers, to cure so noxious a sickness of souls, if you unify the flock of your congregation, or even the sheep of the pastor Christ – who, after Him, received you for all mortals, who depend upon you chiefly– by the laudible corporeal skill of our Order.Perhaps you are amazed since I said, by skill. But do not marvel. I present what is customary: A skill is of skills, the rule of the living. Skill, I say to you, is necessary, if you should wish to fulfill this work so laudible, so salvific, so thankful to God. But you ask, why? <GK>Your Wisdom knows, “the number of fools is infinite,” the number of wise finite and small. You are well aware that the eye of the spiritual men is one thing, the eye of the fleshly man another.You should remember what is written: the living man does not perceive those things which are of the spirit of God.”Why do I say this.? Variation in colour, diversity of dwellings, dissimilarity of practices hinder affection, are contrary to unity. White beholds black, and wonders as if at a monstrosity. Black looks upon white, and wonders as if at a misshapen prodigy.</GK>New institutes exasperate the mind accustomed to other uses, and it is not able to placate it easily because it is not accustomed to see it. This [happens], moreover, among them who look at the face and does not attend to what is meditated upon in the mind. The rational eyes do not thusly look upon those things[novel practices], the spiritual eyes do not thusly contemplate those things. They see, they understand, they recognize that a different colour, diverse usage, separate residences, change nothing in the servants of God since, according to the apostle, “neither circumcision or the lack of circumcision is anything, but a new creation is something, and again according to the apostle: Since, “there is not Jew or Greek, there is not man or woman, there is not barbarian and Scythian, and there is not slave or freeman, but all are and in all things are Christ.” Such people clearly see this, know it and understand it. <GK>But, because not all things are such, and those of the sort to whom it may be given to see this are rarely found, good will must be shown… to those who are lesser, and, according to him who says, “I have become all things to all men, so as to” gain “all”, in proportion to their practice, the practice must be administered for them by way of accommodation.</GK>

I do not say that colour ought to be united, that is, that black be made from white or white made from black. I do not say that either ancient uses should be transformed into novel ones, or new transformed into old. I say nothing of this sort, although I may more or less justly say this. I fear lest, with perchance the other part offended, I both establish words to no effect, if I say what I sense thence, and I anger with unpleasing words those I desire to placate in turn. Let each one use the colour which they choose, let him maintain the uses to which he devotes himself with salvific faith and charity. At least let habitations be unified, let there be an undifferentiated cohabitation of various colours and uses, let charity be nourished and promoted in the service of God by such a practice, let the iniquity contrary to charity be routed and expelled. This can be done either completely or for the most part, as I think, if, when the monks of the old order come to the monastery or residence of the new monks, they are not excluded from the Church, the cloister, the dormitory, the refectory or from the remaining offices. Let scandal be taken away from the hearts of the arriving brothers, let silence be imposed on the mouth, lest it distract, when there be a common residence or hostel for the receiving and the received. “Let the old things retire from his mouth” which it is accustomed to say, which it is accustomed to repeat. Am I a Jew? I considered myself a Christian and am reckoned as a Gentile. I believe myself to be a monk, and I am rejected as a [publican?/ Paulican/ heretic]. I considered myself a fellow-citizen and, , am expelled like a Samaritan. Truly now I understand that “Jews do not associate with the Samaritans”. And who is able to repeat the cursed words (slander?) similar to these, which are born out here about the reason. Therefore, let the mouth of those speaking such things that I do not call iniquities, be blocked with the barricade of charity , let care be taken for the infirm, whose doctor Christ called himself. Let the stumbling-block of the petty be guarded against, let the mulish grindstone be feared, what the unwary submerge “in the depth of the sea.” Do not fear that which recently I heard at Clairvaux from some brothers talking with me there, they feared, that if the monks coming were received as guests within their cloister, deterred both by the austerity of customs and the unaccustomed roughness of meals, they would fear such unaccustomed hospitality and would prefer in the end not to enter into such a cloister, than to tolerate so rough a manner. To this I again respond, as I responded then. No only must the scandal of someone entering be born, but there ought to be hospitality in the manner established among your brothers. Let there be a common residency for both, let there be a submission/ compliance to others such as is accustomed to be maintained among you. Let them be satisfied who wish to enter into the “custom of the place as they found [it]”. By this, they follow the apostolic manner, they follow the manner of the disciples of Christ, which is ordered by him, “eating and drinking what was there with them.”If they refused to undergo this, it will not be now what they object ed, it will not remain what they said. They will not be able to complain further or to push out monks from the monks’ cloister, they will not be able to lament offended charity or to deplore division of brothers on account of the opened cloisters and the residences prepared for receiving. And although I say this, [and] although I add that those entering your cloister ought to be content to follow the rule by the custom of the place, I am not unmindful – and I do not believe you, so vererable a man, to be unmindful– what the Rule says about such things in the chapter about receiving guests. For after adoration, after prayer, after reading, it sets out something about received guests: “After these, let every humanity be shown to him”. I believe that thse words command that something of humanitas be shown more to a guest than a resident, more to one come than a native, more to a pilgrim than to an inhabitant. The Rule does not say what I say, “something of humanitas is to be shown to him”, but rather says, “Every humanitas is to be shown to him.”Of course I understand “all” [to be] necessary not superfluous things, not that which is expended on things pertaining in the day to day way, but that which –beyond what is usual– is expended more greatly for stangers, according to the law of hospitality.Whence it seems to me, as I understand it, that every human compassion [humanitas] is to be shown not only to clerics and lay-persons waiting outside, but also to those monks entering the cloister. But what did I mean, that not only for cleric and lay-persons, by also these monks? Instead, on account of the salvific purpose of a monk, it ought to be shown to monks than to clerics and the laity. For if it is commanded justly, “let us work for the good of all, but especially for those of the servants of faith,” the good ought to be done for all clerics and lay-persons, but especially those servants of the monastic order. With these words the apostle then presented the servants of the faith, that is the Christians, to the Jews and the Gentiles ; I also present monks in a similar way for other Christians.

<GK>Therefore, no worse provision is to be made by monks according to the kindness befitting their undertaking for the guest monk in the cloister than for the guest cleric or lay-person in the external lodging. But I will spend no longer on this. Let only monks, as long as they are guests of monks, have communal cloisters, let them be content if so it pleases yours, with your daily food, regulation, ordinances.</GK>Let them endure,as it is put, what things are among you, which are done among you, if they wish to enter among you, since if they do not wish to enter, they will cease to murmur. If they should not cease, reason will desert them, charity will drive [them] from us.Because I do not call myself an exagerator, I anticipated my words with actions and I began to undertake the words before I began to teach them. <GK>Fifteen years ago I admitted the univerality of the brothers of your order, and commanded them to be received into all our cloisters, except the cloister at Cluny,</GK> and I do not worry about the white or black mixed together in our places, nor do I hear people worrying since many agree with me that this ought to be done. Therefore , feeling safe, I admonish that you undertake, what I have done already, that just as all our [monasteries] –besides the one, which is aforementioned– are open to yours, thus let all your [monasteries] be open to ours without discrimination.Thusly it had been done. I will enjoine this larger enclosure which was excepted to others and I will command that also it be opened to all your [members]. Let both kinds of brothers be instructed; if they are not able [to be] by words, at least [then let them be instructed] little by little by frequent habitation, distinguishing nothing in the variety of colour and differentiating nothing in the various usages between these and those monks, whom by it faith and charity truly ought to make united/ common. I rapidly write this to you, my beloved, so thatI am able to send [it even] more quickly, before some of the abbots of your order gather together with you on the appointed day, which will be, as I heard, on the feast of All Saints and so that thinking with them– among other things– about my capitulum, you might add a few things on this juegdment, which as I consider it, is not only mine but also yours, and may you promulgate it wherever, let it be taken everywhere, that from now on, it be taken up by every brother of your order. Propose to them the words of the Lord, saying, “In everything, as you wish men to do unto you, so do the same for them.” If they wish to enter our cloister, they are not prohibited. If they exact the debt of servitude according to the commandment of charity from others, they ought to render it inturn, by the example of him who said, “I do not come to be helped, but to help.”If they wish themselves to be served, they should serve also their brothers, that is, the limbs of Christ, in order that they might fulfill what is said, “to serve each other” out of charity. Let all things be common for all, no only the substand but also even the very residence. Let the hearts cut asunder be reunited little by little by this remedy, and since none might see a difference between them, let them learn in addition to be one from differences, and I do not say opposites, with Him inspiring, who “blows where he wishes.”

Previous149 Reply of the Lord Abbot Peter (1149)Next151 to Nicholas of Clairvaux

Last updated 5 years ago

Was this helpful?