Petrus Project
  • The Petrus Project
  • The Plan
  • The Team
  • The Authors
    • Peter the Venerable
    • Peter of Poitiers
    • Radulf of Sully
    • Richard of Poitiers
    • Bernard of Cluny
    • Radulf Tortarius
  • The Texts
  • Resources
  • How to cite this resource
  • Miracle Stories
    • Two Books on Miracles
      • Book I, Prologue
      • 1.1 A miraculous arrival in the county of Auvergne
      • 1.2 About the priest who unworthily celebrated the divine mysteries
      • 1.3 About he who could not swallow the body of Christ before he confessed himself
      • 1.4 About the death of a certain brother and his confession at the end of his life
      • 1.5 . About another brother false in his confession
      • 1.6 About one who was freed from the devil by a true confession
      • 1.7 How demons were put to flight by holy water
      • 1.8 About Gerard, a monk of pure and simple life
      • 1.9 About notable things which happened in and around Cluny
      • 1.10 About the miraculous apparition of Stephen, called, “the White”
      • 1.11 About a similar apparition of Bernard Grossus
      • 1.12 With so much envy the devil has always raged against Cluny
      • 1.13 About the brother whom [the devil] wished to deceive in the guise of an abbot.
      • 1.14 About the brother who heard demons boasting about their shameful acts.
      • 1.15 The story the Blessed Hugh narrated in chapter at Christmas Vigil.
      • 1.16 About the brother who saw demons processing as if monks
      • 1.17 About the old monk Alger
      • 1.18 About Armannus the novice, whom the devil terrified in the guise of a bear
      • 1.19 About the angel of the Lord who showed the place where the brothers uncovered Christ's cross
      • 1.20 About the dawdling brother Benedict, who saw a crowd of men dressed in white.
      • 1.21 About Turquillus, prior of the sisters of Marcigny
      • 1.22 The miracle which happened at this same monastery of Marcigny.
      • 1.23 About the dead knight who appeared three times to a certain priest
      • 1.24 About Guido, the bishop of Geneva [Guy of Faucigny]
      • 1.25 About a certain priest who died a terrible death.
      • 1.26 About Geoffrey III, the lord of Semur-en-Brionnais.
      • 1.27 About the dead knight who appeared to Humbert of Beaujeu
      • 1.28 Another chapter about an apparition in Spain.
      • Book II. Prologue
      • 2.1 About the oppressor of the church who was seen taken by the devil
      • 2.2 How someone buried alive, was fed by angel due to the masses and prayers of the Church
      • 2.3 An apology why in his narration, the writer of these deeds cannot retain their time and order
      • 2.4 About the good birth and adolescence of the Lord Matthew, Bishop of Albano.
      • 2.5 How he cleaved to the Venerable Ralph of Rheims, afterwards the Archbishop.
      • 2.6 So greatly desiring the monastic life, he abandoned ecclesiastical honours.
      • 2.7 Choosing Cluny due to the great reputation of its customs, he took the habit of a novice at SMdC
      • 2.8 How he conducted himself before God during his priory
      • 2.9 How he acted with his subordinates
      • 2.10 How he proved to be, both to those near and far
      • 2.11 How he maintained order most strictly when he was summoned by abbot Peter to Cluny
      • 2.12 Concerning the Cluniac schism fuelled by Pontius who had been abbot.
      • 2.13 On the end of the Cluniac scandal and the wisdom of the Lord Matthew.
      • 2.14 How he took up the bishopric of Albano and how he maintained holiness within himself
      • 2.15 How he prohibited that moneys be exchanged by Jews, when he was still a prior
      • 2.16 About the Schism of the Roman Church and how he virtuously defended the Catholic Side.
      • 2.17 About his glorious death accompanied by miraculous signs.
      • 2.18 About the vision which the prior of Saint Zenon saw about him
      • 2.19 About the vision of another brother
      • 2.20 How he put demons to flight with the sign of the cross and about his untiring devotion
      • 2.21 About the revelations shown to him before death and about the glory which he said awaiting him
      • 2.22 How he passed from this world at the light of dawn on the holy and glorious day of Our Lord
      • 2.23 The services celebrated for him and the honourable gathering in the Basilica of Saint Fridian
      • 2.24 About a certain evil monk who died most wickedly
      • 2.25 About the vision which I myself saw when staying in Rome
      • 2.26 About the vision of Brother Enguizo
      • 2.27 About the Statutes of the Carthusian monks
      • 2.28 About a certain Carthusian brother
      • 2.29 Another chapter on the same topic [the Carthusians]
      • 2.30 About the miracle of the Roman Candles in the Church of the Mother of God
      • 2.31 About the miraculous vision of a certain boy keeping vigil
      • 2.32 About a certain boy at Silvigny brought back to life by Saint Maiolus
      • 2.33 About the false confession of a certain brother
    • Life of Raingarde
    • Life of Peter the Venerable
  • Letters
    • The Letter Collection
      • Prefatory Epistle
      • Prefatory Epistle (more complete?)
      • 1. To Pope Innocent (1137)
      • 2. To Matthew of Albano (1134/35)
      • 3. to the Lord Chancellor Haimeric (1123/41, likely 1137)
      • 4. to Hugh, Archbishop of Rouen (1130/8)
      • 5. To Hato, Bishop of Troyes (1122/46)
      • 6. To the same (Hato) (1122/46)
      • 7. To the same (Hato) (1134)
      • 8. To Stephen, a priest skilled in the law (1125/6)
      • 9. To Peter, the schoolmaster
      • 10. To the same (Peter)
      • 11. To Pope Innocent II (1136/37)
      • 12. To William, Bishop of Embrum (1122/41)
      • 13. To Odo, the abbot of Saint-Lucien de Beauvais
      • 14. To Theodard, Prior of La Charité
      • 15. to Adela, Countess of Blois
      • 17. to Pope Innocent (1133/34)
      • 18. to Hato (1122/46)
      • 19. to Dulcianus of Montpellier, learned in the Law
      • 20. to the servant of God, Giselbert the hermit of Silvigny(?)
      • 21. to Pope Innocent (1138)
      • 22. to Hato, bishop of Troyes (1128/46)
      • 23. to Pope Innocent (1132/36)
      • 24.
      • 25.
      • 26. To his son beloved in Christ, Peter of Poitiers
      • 27.
      • 28. To Bernard, Abbot of Clairvaux (c. 1127)
      • 29. to Bernard Abbot of Clairvaux (1138)
      • 32. to Pope Innocent (1135/43)
      • 33. to Pope Innocent (1132/40)
      • 34. To the Lord Chancellor Haimeric (1132/40)
      • 35. to the abbots of the Cistercian Order (1132/40)
      • 36. to the same (1133/40)
      • 37. To a certain heretic
      • 38. to Peter, the Archbishop of Lyons (1131/ 9)
      • 39. To Pope Innocent (1133)
      • 40. to Gilo the Schismatic (1130/4)
      • 42. a response of Lord Peter to Prior Theodard (1132/36)
      • 43. Again, to Prior Theodard of La Charité-sur-Loire (1130/9)
      • 44. to King Sigard I of Norway (1122/30)
      • 45. to the Brothers of St. Andrew of Northampton, about their Copyist Thomas
      • 47. to Matthew of Albano (1131/5, likely 1134)
      • 48. to the Carthusians, in consolation of their dead brothers (1122/37)
      • 49. To Henry, the Bishop of Winchester (1131)
      • 50. To Stephen, a Cleric of Lyons (1132/36)
      • 51. To the Knight Hugh Catula
      • 53. Again to his Brothers, in Epitaph of his mother (1135)
      • 55. to Henry, the Bishop of Winchester (1131/56)
      • 56. To the same (1135)
      • 58. To this son, beloved in Christ, Peter of Poitiers
      • 59. to Henry, bishop of Winchester (1134/35)
      • 60. to the same (1136)
      • 65. to Bernard, abbot of Clairvaux (1137)
      • 66 To Gilo the Schismatic (1138)
      • 67. to William, the Bishop of Orange (1130/41)
      • 68. To Count Amedaeus.
      • 69. to Hato, the Bishop of Troyes (1138)
      • 71. The Response of Bishop Hato to him (1138)
      • 74. The Response of Abbot Bernard to Peter, the Abbot of Cluny (1138)
      • 75. to John Comnenus, Emperor of Constantinople (likely 1138/9)
      • 76. to the Patriarch of Constantinople
      • 78. A Letter from Godfrey, the Bishop of Châlons-sur-Marne to Peter, the Abbot of Cluny (1131/43)
      • 79. A response of Peter to him (1131/43)
      • 80. to the brothers at Mont Thabor
      • 81. To Hato, the Bishop of Troyes (1122/46)
      • 82. to the King of Jerusalem
      • 83. to the Patriarch of Jerusalem
      • 85. A Letter from Hato, Bishop of Troyes to the above Peter (1141)
      • 86. the Response of Abbot Peter to the Bishop Hato (1141)
      • 88. to Henry, Bishop of Winchester (1129/56)
      • 89. to Albero, Bishop of Liège (1136/45)
      • 90. to King Roger of Siciliy (1139/41)
      • 91. To Pontius, Abbot of Vézelay (1138/56)
      • 94. to the monk Gregory
      • 95. To Hato, Bishop of Troyes (1141)
      • 96. the Response of Bishop Hato to him (1141)
      • 97. to Pope Innocent
      • 98. to the same (1140)
      • 99. Again to Pope Innocent
      • 100. to the Clerics of Lyons (1141)
      • 101. to Pope Innocent (1141)
      • 102. to Milo I, bishop of Thérouanne (1140)
      • 105. to Aimard, the Archbishop of Narbonne (1143)
      • 106. to Geoffrey, the Archbishop of Bordeaux (1143)
      • 108. to Guarinus, the Bishop of Amiens (1127/44)
      • 109. to Suger, the Abbot of Saint-Dénis (1130/51)
      • 110 from Abbot Bernard of Clairvaux to the Lord Abbot (1143/44)
      • 111 The Reply of the Lord Abbot to Bernard of Clairvaux (1144)
      • 112. to Pope Celestine (1143)
      • 115. to Abbess Eloise (1143/44)
      • 116. to the lord Pope Lucius
      • 118. to Pope Lucius (1144)
      • 120. To Rainard, Cisterican abbot. (1134/50)
      • 121. to Hato, the Bishop of Troyes (1145)
      • 123. A letter of Peter of Poitiers to Peter his abbot, then dwelling in the forest of Cluny
      • 124. The return letter of the Lord Peter the Abbot to the same
      • 125. The Return letters from some companions to Peter of Poitiers from the woods of Cluny.
      • 126. The Letter of Robert, a learned man and Master of Physic
      • 127. The Letter of Gislebert, a noble and literate youth
      • 128. The return letter of Peter of Poitiers to the Lord Abbot and his colleagues
      • 129. The letter of Peter, the lord Abbot, to this Peter.
      • 131. to king Roger of Sicily (1146)
      • 132. to the Carthusians (1137/43)
      • 134. To Theobald, Bishop of Paris (1146)
      • 135. To the Prior Odo and the Brothers of Saint-Martin-in-the-Fields (1147/50)
      • 136. To Geoffrey, the Cistercian abbot of Les Roches (1137/56)
      • 137. To Geoffrey, the Bishop of Chartres (1135/48)
      • 138. to Peter, Abbot of St. Augustine at Limoges (1137/56)
      • 139. To Stephan, formerly Archbishop of Vienne (1148)
      • 147. to Ademar II, abbot of Figeac
      • 148. From Bernard, Abbot of Clairvaux
      • 149 Reply of the Lord Abbot Peter (1149)
      • 150. Again to Bernard of Clairvaux (October 1149)
      • 151 to Nicholas of Clairvaux
      • 153 From Bernard of Clairvaux
      • Letter 158a (?)
      • 159. To the brothers at [St. Martial of] Limoges (1142?)
      • 161 (1148/52) To the Priors and Subpriors of Cluniac places.
      • 162. to the King of Sicily
      • 166. a Response of the Lord Abbot to him [Suger of Saint-Dénis] (1150)
      • 167. From Heloise to PV
      • 168. To Heloise.
      • 172. To Everard, Master of the Templars (1148/53)
      • 174. to Pope Eugenius (1145/33)
      • 181. to the abbot of Clairvaux (1151)
      • 183. to Philip the Prior of Clairvaux (March, 1151)
      • 184. to Galcher, the cellarer of Clairvaux (March, 1151)
      • 185. To his nieces
      • 186. To Basil, the Prior of the Carthusians (1151)
      • 192. to Lord Bernard, Abbot of Clairvaux (1152)
      • 193. To his Nicholas (1152)
    • Additional Letters
  • Legal Texts
    • Statutes
      • Bibliography
      • Summary
      • The Statutes of Peter the Venerable, Abbot of Cluny
      • Later Statutes
    • Managing Cluniac Accounts
    • Papal Bulls
      • Calixtus II's Papal Assent to the election of Peter the Venerable
      • Innocent II's approval of Peter the Venerable's ability to set statutes
      • Various partially translated charters
    • Charters
      • Latin charters (1122-56) from Bibliotheca Cluniacensis
  • Poems & Liturgy
    • In defence of Peter of Poitiers
    • A liturgical prose, in honour of the Mother of the Lord
    • Another liturgical prose in honour of the Mother of Our Lord
    • Hymn, in honour of Holy Mary Magdalene
    • Hymn about the Holy Father Benedict
    • Another Hymn about the translation and coming of this Father Benedict
    • A rhythmic verse on Saint Hugh, abbot of Cluny
    • A verse in honour of Count Eustache
    • A verse in epitaph of Prior Bernard
    • Verse in epitaph of Peter Abelard
    • Verse in epitaph of Rainald, Archbishop of Laon
    • A rhythmic verse, on the resurrection of our Lord
    • Rhythmic verse in praise of the Saviour.
  • Polemic
    • Bibliography
  • Peter of Poitiers
    • Letter to abbot Peter (Sicut precipere)
    • Panegyric in praise of Peter the Venerable
    • Letter to his critics
    • Against the Barbarian
    • Epitaph of Pope Gelasius II
    • Epitaph of Bishop Adefonso
    • Preface to Peter the Venerable's work against the Saracens
  • Richard of Poitiers
    • Chronica
    • Chronica - Dedicatory Epistle
    • BNF, n.a.l. 670 - Transcription (in progress)
  • Resources
    • A(n) Historiographical Note on Researching Twelfth-Century Cluny
    • Manuscript and Early Printed Sources
      • Paris, BNF, ms. latin 17716
      • Pierre de Montmartre, D. Petri venerabilis, ... Opera
      • Patrologia Latina
    • Digital Resources
    • Biographies
      • Giles Constable
      • Denise Bouthillier
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  • Secondary Sources
  • Summary
  • Translation:
  • Preface.

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  1. Legal Texts

Managing Cluniac Accounts

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Dispositio rei familiaris Cluniacensis

Editions

Baluze, Étienne, ed. . Edited by Giovanni Domenico Mansi. Lucca, 1762. Vol. III, p. 72.

Migne, ed. .

Migne takes PV directly from Baluze.

(802-1300), éd. A Bernard & A Bruel, Collection de documents inédits sur l’histoire de France, 1 série: Histoire Politique. 6 vols. Paris: 1876-1903; # .

  • from the Corpus de la Bourgogne du Moyen Âge (Chartes de la Bourgogne du Moyen Âge) website, can be downloaded as .text, .doc or .pdf files.

Secondary Sources

Duby, Georges ...

Leclercq, Pierre le Vénérable. p. 145-148. (essentially a summary).

Peter was dominated by a concern with charity of which the first consequence was discretion: to respect each of the domains and to take account with justice of its means and abilities. In the economic sphere the monasteries were to maintain a good balance between imports and importation- and maintain both economic stability and the tranquillity of souls. [Connection of economics to virtue- birth of capitalism?]

Riche, Denyse. pgs. 90-93.

Takes interpretation and dating from Leclercq, but provides a good picture of economic life of Cluny under PV. To establish a financial balance, Peter needed to reduce expenses and expand revenues. She dates the DRF to 1148 (and Statutes to 1146) as an ambitious reform program. She names the supplying deaconries (a new name for obedientiaries): Chaveyriat, Cluny, Peronne, Ecussoles, Chevignes, Lourdon, Laizé, Bézornay, Saint-Gengoux; also Jully-les-Buxy and Saint-Hippolyte, Mazille. Suggests that the Constitutioexpensae Cluniaci (CC 4143) gives a new picture of the situation at Cluny, seven years after the DRF. (98) Five years after the DRF, the situation (if it was so bad to start off with) was on solid footing, the mission had been decentred into the deaconries which were elevating production… however, it had the effect of alienating some priories

Summary

Author: Peter the Venerable

Date: 1148

Summary: A methodical account of the resources and expenses of the abbey. Part of Peter’s reorganization of the economic side of the abbey.

Translation:

Preface.

Since human memory is truly faulty, and men continuously dying are not able to leave behind for those coming later a truthful reportof things done, the assistance of writing was invented by the first wise persons. For what is written is known not to receive change, and unless it is corrupted by accident or intention, it passes the truth of deeds done in one and the same way unchanged to those coming after. That which previously I only did in the spiritual realm [i.e. statuta], now I do for the domain which is at one time spiritual and corporeal.

I make it known therefore, that I, the humble brother Peter, the abbot of Cluny, to all reading this that when I was raised, 26 years ago, to the responsibilties of the abbot, I found a Church vast, religious, illustrious, but very poor. The expenses were considerable, the revenues, compared to the expenses, were almost nothing. There were 300 and more brothers and the house could not feed a hundred from its own resources. There was always a throng of guests, an infinite number of poor. The harvest collected by the deaconries lasted scarcely four months, and other times, not even three; the wine often did not last more than a month, definitely not beyond two. The bread was low in weight, black, and mixed with bran; the wine, mixed with water, was weak and really just a swallow. Besides the other expenses and the great loan of hay, in buying the harvest and the wine the cameriusof Cluny spent more than 20,000 Cluniac solidion acquiring bread and wine. I seeing such narrow straights, after taking council with the wise brotherswho were then living, as seemed reasonable to me and them, constituted a mesaticaby deaconries, and I made ordinances so that they provide a sufficient amount of bread, of beans and such for the community at Cluny some for one month, some two, some three weeks, some fifteen days, others eight days, that is, for the entire year. And, so that always this order will be followed annually, I commanded it with the assent and desire of all the brothers in the chapter, and I strengthen it by writing.

[(where does this come from?) The harvest of hay hardly sufficed to feed the horses of the dignitaries of the community and often there did not remain any for those of travellers.]

Thus, it was followed as it is decreed for many years afterwards. In the subsequent time it seemed both to me and to the brothersthat some things of the original regimen ought to be changed, and other deacons were chosen who made the mesaticafor other uses of the monatery, according to what reason demanded….

Therefore, it is instituted that, since the first ordinance, which provided for the community for the whole year in those things which above were written down, thus were varied and altered, once again a new ordinance was made, which likewise provided for all the brothers through the whole year in bread, beans and nourishment, as was said. Which is such: the deacon of Cavariacoprovides for the whole of September; the deacon of Cluny, the whole of October and half of September, the deacon of Perronathe remaining days of November, the deacon of Scutiolis, the first sixteen days of December; the deacon of Caviniisthe remaining days of December and all of January; the deacon of Lordono the whole of February and March, the granatorius, all of April, May, Jun and Half of July. During which months and a half, however, the chamberlain ought to provide/ purchase for the granatoriusthe beans. The deacon of Laisicoprovides for the rest of July, the deacon of Bersoniacothe whole of August, with the eight final days excetped; the deacon of Saint Gengulfolooks after those last final eight days of August.

This mesaticawas thus constituted that obedientaries now mentioned do not give three nor four pints of grain either more or less for the labour of each day, but only what is necessary. The very granatorius however must faithful watch over those things which the obedientiaries render to him, as a faithful dispensor who gives a measure of wheat in time lest, he making a deception with the goods of the monastery, according to the judgement of the blessed Benedict, experience in his soul the death of Anania and Saphira. But if arising general refections (either owed or spontaneous) excuse them by giving bread or beans, they are excused. But if either there should not be gratuitous, or they fail to be owed by another reason, nonetheless they are furnished those days. However….

This second ordinance for some long time has waited. But since, as is written, where …

And it is of this type:

It is constituted that the deacon of Lordono (both the one from Lordono and of Saint Hippolytus….The deacons are accustomed to render also as much grain and of such a sort of grain, when thy make the mesaticato the granatorius, of such a sort and amount as they render to the chamberlain. Likewise they render to him also the also a sufficiency of beans; the beans, however, …

But it ought not be kept silent what pertains to the thing from which its is undertaken, that had been ancient manners that each day on which the names of dead brothers of our congregation (that is of the professed) are read out from a book in which the rule is written on the day on which they died, for them, bread, wine and universal thing is given. But on account of the universal recompense of such things by Saint Peter, is was made by our Hugh that certain overs of the town of Cluny and their production, which belongs to the Chamber beforehands, the almoner of Cluny obtains.

But I alone grant to the almoner whatever of bread or wine remains to those eating in the refectory or the infirmary because originally either the grainerer or the wine custodian claimed [it] for themselves according to custom. Indeed, it is therefore instituted about bread that the fifty pound in weight (not which is now given to the brothers, but what was accustomed to be given before our time to the brothers) now are rendered to the aforesaid almoner. And as those weights have become known to the ignorants, they have renewed that there were three different ones: one which was less, which is called, ‘the guest’; another is biggere than it, which was accepted for the whole year besides Quadragessima; the quadragesiaml weight is even larger than the previous one.

But when, as is written above, the mesaticawas first instituted, we have changed that second weight into the third which was the greater, that is, such that it was given in that weight to the community the whole year which was originally was only given during Quadragessima.

This is now instituted about about the said fifty pound which we recommended to be given upon the anniversary of publically known dead brothers, that not in the weight whichh is formerly called quadragessimal, and which now the brothers consume, but in that weight which is less, and which before this our institution, they were accustomed to have.

Lest, however, anyone marvel at this infinite number of dead that is ended at with the unequivocal number of fifty, let him know this was done with such counsel in order that over the passage of time, the dead becoming immeasurable, displace the living, since the little of the Church are not able to provide an offering for three hundred or less living and perhaps at some time a thousand dead. For, as one said, what is rhymed in the proverb:

The mean is in things, the boundaries are finally fixed. [Hor. Sat. 1, I, 1, v. 106]

And, as another says:

Consider for a while what shoulders refuse to bear,

Consider what they are able to bear. [Hor. De arte poet. v. 39]

For, it is foolish that deserving men place that burden (which he (on whom it was imposed to carry) is unable to bear) on their shoulders with weight, or rather, to which one, unwilling and overcome, is compelled to succumb. Therefore, upon this consideration of these fifty pounds, the number and weight is thus decreed. If however, the procuration of the brothers is done from [a position of] debt, then it is given to the community in such a weight, in the same it is given also for those dead to whom it is undertaken. However, three paupers (to whom according to custom daily bread and wine is given in alms) receive daily of such quality and such amount, no less or no different in type but the very type and amount of bread the community receives.

And since, as already I said, the [responsibility for the] granary is committed to the deacon of Lordonowith his deacons, for the procuration to be done for guests and family, as much as it pertains to bread, the chamberlain renders to him, such that he is accustomed to render to other grainerers, five hundred and sixty pints of grain and five hundred of [another grain].

And as the reason by which these were disposed is made known to those following, let them reading this know that originally only five hundred pints of grain were rendered by the chamberlain to the grainerer. But afterwards, so that he might feed certain noble clerics, who then were being taught in the town of Cluny, and that he might furnish with bread the dishes of the principal meal following the wish of the cooks to be lessened [?] the said five hundred and sixty pints were added. In this new and lastest ordinance, five hundred and sixty as well as three hundred pints of grain or beans are further enjoined for the mesaticaof Masiliis. Furthermore, also thirty for the beans and eighteen for beans; ten for eight of the praebends.[?]

In such a manner, with all these pints counted together, it will be (of both grain and beans) six hundred and three pints. …

But this is enjoined concerning the forementioned prebends, what bread was given to them before our time, a lesser type is accutomed to be given to the familia, that is concerning the vassallorwho afterwards, it is decreed such that such type is the bread of the community or guests in weight, since ancient manner commands to be given throughout the whole year to the convent (except for Quadragessima), as said above. However, the pounds of the prebends are eighteen, concerning which it is commanded, that the grainerer provides nine, the almoner the other nine.

And since I at this time began to speak about constitutions of this sort, also I add other similar things to them. Indeed, thus, these things are instituted concerning the bread and vegetables of the community and concerning the bread of the guests and family. I decree concerning wine, however, since it is not able to be done otherwise, nor do the offerings of the Cluniac lands suffer to be ordained here differently… This constitution, unless perhaps either the excessive sterility of the lands occurs or fault of those tending neglect the zeal of cultivating, is able to provide abundantly wine for three hundred, or rather almost four hundred people, not only monks, but it is able to be sufficient also for guests (for the most part).

About these preceeding things, and the general thing of the brothers, which after vegetables are accustomed to be given to them, about which much strife frequently has arisen, thus it is ordained: the Cluniac Chamberlain receives one hundred pounds and five hundred shillings in money from the town of Cluny, and …

Also, it behoves those reading this to know that after the preceeding things, it is insituted that the deacon of Masillis provides abundantly of oats for the equestrian needs of all guests, and if perhaps his recognizance is not sufficient…

And indeed before this institution, he rendered only one thousand and two hundred pints of oats to the chamberlain for every year from when first I made this institution, which undifferentiated was used both for guest and for the equestrian needs of the abbot, prior, cellarer and chamberlains. But since with each one of them seizing part of that amount for himself which he was able, frequent quarrels and neglect of the equestrians of guests were heard, I statute that, with other things removed, he provide for the guests alone howeversomuch they have need of, or howeversomuch they put off, and the surety of them, as is said, he will pay for. This chiefly concerning extraneous things.

Let them procure the things needed for horses from the domestics (that is, the brothers of the congregation), only for the first night, with those priors excepted who stay (loiter, linger) in Spain or those in England, and the prior of Paredoand of Borbonoand of Silviniacowhose supplies for the horse, as with hospitality, the chamberlain is accustomed to provide as long as they remain at Cluny, following ancient use. All these are equal to guest pilgrims, as much as it pertains to the procuration of their equestrian supplies.

This is constituted concerning the prior of Cluny that he receive 300 pints? of oats for the procuring of equestrian supplies from the deaconry of Scutiolis.

This is decreed concerning the chamberlain of Cluny with all his associates, that one hundred pints? of ats which are owed by the deaconry of Saint-Victor and another hundred

With these gone over, it is added wht is ordained concerning the clothing of the brothers, lest by the advancement of time, it pass into oblivion. For I do not know how, when I was summoned to this pastoral office, I found nothing ordained about this , just as about almost all the rest of exterior things.For the camerius, to whom all exterior things were charged, hindered both by the poverty of familiar affair and by the multiple occupation (to which he was insufficient) with difficulty, confusedly, insufficiently did he provide clothing for the brothers, and not according to the apostolic rule and the Rule of Saint Benedict, [but] he distributed the clothing to the brothers just as to whomsoever there was need.

On this account, this responsibility for the most past was placed on the prior of Cluny, such that he provided sufficiently the tunics, that is, those which are commonly called frocks, hoods, pellices, … for all the brothers dwelling in Cluny. But that this injunction is able to made more open, twenty marks of silver are granted to him from the Italian census, twenty from the Spanish census…These are granted to the prior of Cluny.

[final paragraph about trabucasand pedules]

I, brother Peter, humble abbot of Cluny, make known to all who read this that when I was inducted into this office twenty-six years ago, I found indeed a large church, devout and famous also, but exceedingly poor, burdened with great expenses, and, in proportion, hardly any income at all. There were brethren to the number of three hundred or more, but the house could not support one hundred by its own outlay. There was always a crowd of guests and a countless number of poor. The combined yearly supply from all the deaneries was scarcely sufficient for four months, sometimes not for three months, and the wine from all sources was never enough for two months, nor even for one. The bread was scanty, black, and made of bran. The wine was exceedingly watery, tasteless, indeed, scarcely wine at all. Besides our other expenses, for which we borrowed at a high rate of interest, the treasurer of Cluny expended more than 20,000 solidi for the purchase of grain and wine only. Seeing these straitened circumstances, I took counsel with some prudent brethren who were living at that time, and, as seemed advisable to them and to me, I made arrangements for provisions throughout the deaneries and decreed that they should supply the community of Cluny with bread, beans, and oil; one of the deans for 1 month, one for 2 months, one for 3 weeks, one for 5, and one for 8 days---in fine, for the whole year. And in order that this regulation might be observed annually forever, I decreed it in chapter with the consent and approbation of all the brethren, and confirmed it in writing....

But, with the lapse of time, it seemed advisable to me as well as to the brethren that certain elements of the former regulation should be changed, and that certain deaneries which were furnishing provisions should be assigned to other services for the monastery, just as good judgment might determine. For this reason the care of the horses of all guests was assigned to the deanery called Marseilles, because it is especially productive in oats. Certain other commissions on behalf of the brethren were assigned to Gaillac. Julich was excused from the payment of provisions imposed upon it because we had transformed its demesnes into vineyards and because of annual charges payable on behalf of the community to Lord Hugh, Bishop of Auxerre. For a like reason the deanery of St. Hippolyte was also excused....

Our arrangement, namely, that the respective deans should in turn provide all the brethren with bread, beans, and oil, was as follows . . . (divisions of payments arranged for various deaneries). These provisions were so arranged that the said officials should give to the tax-collector not only three or four setiers of grain for each day's needs, but whatever amount should be necessary . .. both bread and beans. Likewise the treasurer shall do as has been said. Subsequently both treasurer and tax-collector shall exact the same from those who would formerly have furnished these supplies. If the deans can furnish them with these supplies let the treasurer and the tax-collector take them; but, if not, then the treasurer and the tax-collector shall supply the provisions. Nor is it to be forgotten that, in connection with the subject under discussion, it was an ancient custom for bread, wine, and better food to be given on each anniversary day in memory of those deceased brethren who were professed, and whose names are read from the book in which the rule is written. But in place of the better food the following exchange was made by our holy father Hugh, namely, that certain ovens of the villa of Cluny, together with their incomes, which formerly belonged to the treasury, should now be taken by the almoner....

Wherefore we have imposed this task [of providing clothing] for the most part on the Prior of Cluny, namely, that he should sufficiently provide for all the brethren dwelling at Cluny, i.e., tunics, vulgarly called frocks, cloaks or hoods, fleeces, fleece head coverings or caps, wool shirts, trousers, and pillow slips or coverings for pillows. However, in order that he may fully meet the obligation imposed on him there have been assigned to him twenty silver marks from the Italian income, twenty from Spain, twenty from a certain English manor called Offord, and fifteen marks from a certain manor in England given by Earl Eustace, which, aside from this grant to Cluny, he wished to belong to the monastery of Romille, which monastery itself he had already given. But if general refections, gratuitous or obligatory, should occur and excuse them from giving bread or beans, they should be excused.

This second plan likewise remained in effect for a long time. But since, as it is written, where there is more counsel there is greater security, and however good any plan might be, when a better appears, it must be changed without hesitation; so, it happened that, just as a second plan followed the first, a most excellent third plan followed the second. The nature of this is as follows . . . (rearrangement of payments from the deaneries).

[Sections of this translation are adapted from Roy C. Cave & Herbert H. Coulson, , (Milwaukee: The Bruce Publishing Co., 1936; reprint ed., New York: Biblo & Tannen, 1965), pp. 318-321.

Miscellanea novo ordine digesta et non paucis ineditis monumentis opportunisque animadversionibus aucta
PL189, col. 1047-1054
Receuil des chartes de l’abbaye de Cluny
4132
the volumes
A Source Book for Medieval Economic History